Equal Justice Society e-Newsletter - Issue 2 - Fall 2004
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IN THIS ISSUE

Eva Paterson: Vote as If Your Life Depended On It!

EJS Amicus Brief Charges Unlimited Campaign Spending Limits Rights of Communities of Color and the Poor

Stanford Law Review Study on Affirmative Action in Law Schools Marred by Questionable Data

EJS in Hawai'i: Praxis and Pono

Notes on the Right: Voter Participation and the Right

Civil Rights and Campaign Finance: Summaries of Key Law Review Articles

Preserving Access at the University of California

Staff/Board News and Notes

Become a Part of the Equal Justice Society

EJS Calendar



Newsletter Editors:

Elaine Elinson
Joe Lucero


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Civil Rights and Campaign Finance: 
Summaries of Key Law Review Articles

By Susan K. Serrano, Research Director

The Equal Justice Society brings together social science, legal research and public education as a three-pronged approach to transform the policies and legal doctrines that support discrimination in our society.  The financing of political campaigns is a key issue for EJS because the current expenditure system, without limits, is harmful to the poor, particularly Asian, Latino, Native and African American communities.  Because people of color have less financial wealth and net worth than whites, control fewer business interests, and are disproportionately represented among those living in poverty, their ability to participate in political activity that is related to control over economic resources is diminished. [1]

Legal scholars have begun to address campaign spending through the lens of race and wealth in law journal articles.  In this issue’s column of key law review articles, we provide summaries of a select few law review articles addressing campaign finance as a civil rights issue. 

1. Spencer Overton, But Some Are More Equal: Race, Exclusion, and Campaign Finance, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 987 (2002).  Legal academics who call for campaign finance reform often fail to consider the historical, economic and social significance of race.  Although the financing of campaigns plays a large part “in shaping the racial distribution of political influence, . . . the interplay between race and campaign finance remains largely unexamined.”  The article identifies the “fundamental shortcomings of existing campaign finance jurisprudence” by viewing the jurisprudence through the framework of race.  It then promotes the development of more comprehensive reforms.

First, “[e]xisting frameworks fail to acknowledge that past state-mandated discrimination against racial minorities has shaped the current distribution of property, which in turn hinders the ability of many people of color to participate fully in a privately financed political system.”  Past discriminatory governmental practices in the areas of employment, housing, education and business, for example, have created racial disparities in the distribution of property and in political contributions.  Intergenerational transfers of wealth then carry forward those past racial disparities.  Studies have shown that people of color have lower incomes, less financial wealth and net worth than whites, control fewer business interests, and are disproportionately represented among those living in poverty.  These factors affect the ability and likelihood of people of color to contribute or spend political money.  An approach to reform that focuses only on class is therefore inadequate “because race operates as a distinct political identity worthy of independent analysis in the campaign finance context.” 

By exploring the racial realities of campaign finance, the article reveals that the current system is not neutral, and that campaign finance reformers “fail to point out the biases inherent in narrow First Amendment applications that base political participation on private property.”  Moreover, the existing system “perpetuates racial disparities in the political distribution of societal resources.” 

Professor Overton explores how political decisionmakers should consider race in analyzing legislative reforms.  Because race and class are not synonymous, he urges policy makers to consider specifically whether reform proposals reaffirm or exacerbate discrimination against people of color.  He thus urges campaign finance reformers to “engage in a more sophisticated analysis and craft reforms that promote meaningful and effective participation for all Americans, including people of color.”  Such a racial analysis may provide another tool to help diminish racial disparities in society generally by “enhanc[ing] the ability of people of color to improve their conditions through participation in the political process.”  See also Spencer Overton, Voices From The Past: Race, Privilege, and Campaign Finance, 79 N.C. L. Rev. 1541 (2001) (“observ[ing] that a history of state discrimination has contributed to current racial disparities in property distribution which are, due to the current campaign finance system, replicated in political participation.”).

 

2. Terry Smith, Race and Money In Politics, 79 N.C. L. Rev. 1469 (2001).  The article demonstrates a link between race and money in politics and contends that meaningful campaign finance reform can only be achieved by considering race.   “[D]espite the interest of some reformers in ‘see[ing] wealth stand alone as a classification,’ the bridge that they . . . have attempted to construct between antisubordination and money in politics could ultimately prove too narrow a passage unless the political realities of race are central to its creation.”  According to Professor Smith, race and money enable each other in the political process.  Money is often used to purchase powerful political messages that divide people along racial instead of class lines.  The article “deconstructs and then recasts the concept of equality as it is used in the context of campaign finance reform, taking account of the race-bound definitions of equality.” 

The article explores the following questions:

[F]irst, are white voters disenfranchised, and if so, how so? Second, is the political reality of black voters sufficiently different from that of whites such that the political equality campaign finance reformers envision might mean something different for whites than for people of color?  Finally, if white disenfranchisement is different—or even non-existent—and this difference affects campaign finance reform’s effectiveness relative to different racial groups, how should we conceptualize campaign finance reform to make it more inclusive?

The article contends that the equality arguments advanced by campaign finance reformers are “employed against black political aspirations, creating an inequality along racial lines which changes the assumptions and effect of campaign finance reform for voters of color versus white voters.” Because there is a baseline differential in equality between whites and people of color, “greater equality through reform is only possible if citizens of color are allowed to employ their full expressive resources in the political process.”  The article assesses the current campaign finance movement though the lens of race, addressing particularly its principal architects, opponents, the McCain-Feingold bill, and “probing the extent to which the debate has essentialized voters notwithstanding the significant differences created by race.”  Professor Smith closes the article by providing principles regarding race and campaign finance reform, which, if effectively implemented, may benefit of voters of color.  See also Roger Wilkins et al., Campaign Finance as a Civil Rights Issue, 43 How. L.J. 41 (1999) (Howard University Law School’s 1999 conference, “Campaign Finance as a Civil Rights Issue”).

3. Jason P. Conti, The Forgotten Few: Campaign Finance Reform and its Impact On Minority and Female Candidates, 22 B.C. Third World L.J. 99 (2002).  This article describes the effects that proposed campaign finance reforms would have on minority and female candidates.  The author examines the lack of racial and gender diversity in elective office, particularly in Congress.  He observes that “the percentage of minorities and women in Congress is disproportionately low compared to the overall population; linking the problem to money, however, is a recent and under-explored area.”  Citing a number of studies, the author observes that challenger minority candidates have a more difficult time raising money than white candidates and blacks are less able to donate to campaigns.  “Given that the top-spending candidate in the 1998 House elections won 95% of the time, candidates with an inherent disadvantage in raising campaign cash will have a much more difficult time winning elections.”  The author evaluates proposals for change -- including political action committees, soft money bans, individual contribution limits, campaign spending limits, and public financing -- and explains how each would impact minority and female candidates.  Conti encourages campaign finance reformers both to consider strongly the concerns of minority and female candidates and to work toward instituting publicly funded campaigns.  He contends that “[t]he best approach for increasing the number of women and minorities in politics is to enact a clean election system similar to that of Maine, which includes full funding for House and Senate races.” 

[1]   See Spencer Overton, But Some Are More Equal: Race, Exclusion, and Campaign Finance, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 987, 1009-1015 (2002).

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The Equal Justice Society is a national organization of scholars, advocates and concerned individuals advancing innovative legal strategies and public policy for enduring social change. We generate critical analysis on issues of race and social justice through research, public education and bringing together individuals from diverse backgrounds and disciplines. Our goal is to reshape jurisprudence to ensure that the rights of all are expanded, rather than diminished, by our courts and policy makers.

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