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Equal
Justice Society e-Newsletter - Issue 2 - Fall 2004
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IN
THIS ISSUE
Eva
Paterson: Vote as If Your Life Depended On It!
EJS
Amicus Brief Charges Unlimited Campaign Spending Limits
Rights of Communities of Color and the Poor
Stanford
Law Review Study on Affirmative Action in Law Schools Marred
by Questionable Data
EJS
in Hawai'i: Praxis and Pono
Notes
on the Right: Voter Participation and the Right
Civil
Rights and Campaign Finance: Summaries of Key Law Review Articles
Preserving
Access at the University of California
Staff/Board
News and Notes
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a Part of the Equal Justice Society
EJS
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Newsletter Editors:
Elaine Elinson
Joe Lucero
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Civil
Rights and Campaign Finance:
Summaries of Key Law Review Articles
By Susan K. Serrano, Research Director
The Equal Justice
Society brings together social science, legal research and public
education as a three-pronged approach to transform the policies
and legal doctrines that support discrimination in our society.
The financing of political campaigns is a key issue for EJS because
the current expenditure system, without limits, is harmful to
the poor, particularly Asian, Latino, Native and African American
communities. Because people of color have less financial
wealth and net worth than whites, control fewer business interests,
and are disproportionately represented among those living in poverty,
their ability to participate in political activity that is related
to control over economic resources is diminished. [1]
Legal scholars
have begun to address campaign spending through the lens of race
and wealth in law journal articles. In this issue’s column
of key law review articles, we provide summaries of a select few
law review articles addressing campaign finance as a civil rights
issue.
1. Spencer
Overton, But Some Are More Equal: Race, Exclusion, and Campaign
Finance, 80 Tex.
L. Rev. 987 (2002). Legal academics who call for campaign finance reform
often fail to consider the historical, economic and social significance
of race. Although
the financing of campaigns plays a large part “in shaping the
racial distribution of political influence,
. . . the interplay between race and campaign finance remains
largely unexamined.” The article identifies
the “fundamental shortcomings of existing campaign finance jurisprudence”
by viewing the jurisprudence through the framework of race.
It then promotes the development of more comprehensive reforms.
First,
“[e]xisting frameworks fail to acknowledge that past state-mandated
discrimination against racial minorities has shaped the current
distribution of property, which in turn hinders the ability of
many people of color to participate fully in a privately financed
political system.” Past discriminatory governmental practices in the areas
of employment, housing, education and business, for example, have
created racial disparities in the distribution of property and
in political contributions. Intergenerational transfers
of wealth then carry forward those past racial disparities.
Studies have shown that people of color have lower incomes,
less financial wealth and net worth than whites, control fewer
business interests, and are disproportionately represented among
those living in poverty. These factors affect the ability and likelihood of
people of color to contribute or spend political money.
An approach to reform that focuses only on class is therefore
inadequate “because race operates as a distinct political identity
worthy of independent analysis in the campaign finance context.”
By
exploring the racial realities of campaign finance, the article
reveals that the current system is not neutral, and that campaign
finance reformers “fail to point out the biases inherent in narrow
First Amendment applications that base political participation
on private property.” Moreover, the existing system “perpetuates
racial disparities in the political distribution of societal resources.”
Professor
Overton explores how political decisionmakers
should consider race in analyzing legislative reforms. Because
race and class are not synonymous, he urges
policy makers to consider specifically whether reform proposals
reaffirm or exacerbate discrimination against people of color.
He thus urges campaign finance reformers to “engage in a more
sophisticated analysis and craft reforms that promote meaningful
and effective participation for all Americans, including people
of color.” Such a racial analysis may provide another tool
to help diminish racial disparities in society generally by “enhanc[ing]
the ability of people of color to improve their conditions through
participation in the political process.” See also Spencer Overton,
Voices From The Past: Race, Privilege, and Campaign Finance,
79 N.C. L. Rev. 1541 (2001)
(“observ[ing]
that a
history of state discrimination has contributed to current racial
disparities in property distribution which are, due to the current
campaign finance system, replicated in political participation.”).
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2.
Terry Smith, Race and Money In Politics, 79 N.C.
L. Rev. 1469 (2001). The article demonstrates
a link between race and money in politics and contends that
meaningful campaign finance reform can only be achieved by considering
race. “[D]espite the interest of some reformers in ‘see[ing] wealth stand alone as a classification,’ the bridge that
they . . . have attempted to construct between antisubordination
and money in politics could ultimately prove too narrow a passage
unless the political realities of race are central to its creation.”
According to Professor Smith, race and money enable each other
in the political process. Money is often used to purchase
powerful political messages that divide people along racial
instead of class lines. The article “deconstructs and
then recasts the concept of equality as it is used in the context
of campaign finance reform, taking account
of the race-bound definitions of equality.”
The article explores the following questions:
[F]irst, are white voters disenfranchised,
and if so, how so? Second, is the political reality of black
voters sufficiently different from that of whites such that
the political equality campaign finance reformers envision might
mean something different for whites than for people of color?
Finally, if white disenfranchisement is different—or even non-existent—and
this difference affects campaign finance reform’s effectiveness
relative to different racial groups, how should we conceptualize
campaign finance reform to make it more inclusive?
The article
contends that the equality arguments advanced by campaign finance
reformers are “employed against black political aspirations,
creating an inequality along racial lines which changes the
assumptions and effect of campaign finance reform for voters
of color versus white voters.” Because there
is a baseline differential in equality between whites and people
of color, “greater equality through reform is only possible
if citizens of color are allowed to employ their full expressive
resources in the political process.” The article
assesses the current campaign finance movement though the lens
of race, addressing particularly its principal architects, opponents,
the McCain-Feingold bill, and “probing the extent to which the
debate has essentialized voters notwithstanding the significant differences
created by race.” Professor Smith closes the article by
providing principles regarding race and campaign finance reform,
which, if effectively implemented, may benefit of voters of
color. See also Roger Wilkins
et al., Campaign Finance as a Civil Rights Issue, 43
How. L.J. 41 (1999) (Howard University Law School’s 1999 conference,
“Campaign Finance as a Civil Rights Issue”).
3. Jason P. Conti, The Forgotten Few: Campaign Finance Reform
and its Impact On Minority and Female Candidates,
22 B.C. Third World L.J.
99 (2002). This article describes the effects
that proposed campaign finance reforms would have on minority
and female candidates. The author examines the lack of
racial and gender diversity in elective office, particularly
in Congress. He observes that “the
percentage of minorities and women in Congress is disproportionately
low compared to the overall population; linking the problem
to money, however, is a recent and under-explored area.”
Citing a number of studies, the author observes that challenger
minority candidates have a more difficult
time raising money than white candidates and blacks are less
able to donate to campaigns. “Given that the top-spending
candidate in the 1998 House elections won 95% of the time, candidates
with an inherent disadvantage in raising campaign cash will
have a much more difficult time winning elections.” The
author evaluates proposals for change -- including political
action committees, soft money bans, individual contribution
limits, campaign spending limits, and public financing -- and
explains how each would impact minority and female candidates.
Conti encourages campaign finance reformers both to consider
strongly the concerns of minority and female candidates and
to work toward instituting publicly funded campaigns.
He contends that “[t]he best approach for increasing the number
of women and minorities in politics is to enact a clean election
system similar to that of Maine, which includes full funding for House
and Senate races.”
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